On the Future of French Muslims
Karin Christianson Tuesday, 8 June 2010
As tensions rose and threatened the political success of President Nicolas Sarkozy, the government-initiated debate on French identity terminated abruptly in February 2010. Begun several months earlier by the Ministry of Immigration and National Identity in France, the debate centered on the question, "What is French?" Alongside scores of references to Voltaire, traditional cuisine, and republican values, the discussion quickly turned to the Muslim population residing within France's borders. France's Muslim community has continued to grow since the middle of the 20th century and is perceived as a threat to this traditionally Catholic—albeit avowedly secular—nation.
In Germany, England, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, as in France, Muslims comprise a distinct segment of the population. The Muslim experience in France highlights tensions between the traditional and the modern that are part of a broader European pattern. But such tensions should not be regarded as somehow impossible to manage and mitigate. Indeed, France has an opportunity to lead Europe in its treatment, integration, and inclusion of its Muslims. The key to this process, however, is for France to adapt its policy of laїcité, or secularism. The fear of Muslim neighbors created an unfriendly environment for the debate over "What is French?" and consequently, efforts to improve the integration of Muslims into French life have yielded mediocre results. An estimated five to ten percent of the French population adheres to Islam.[1] France, host to the highest percentage of Muslims in Western Europe, shared immigration patterns with its neighbors as it experienced an influx of Muslims in the 20th century. In the 1960s, demand for laborers increased and France experienced a flood of untrained, single Muslim men—especially from its former colony of Algeria. A decade later, the families of these workers immigrated to France and French citizens began commenting on the changing demographics of their nation. Their response prompted the most recent era of aggressive laїcité, about which one scholar comments, "Since the mid-1980s, public discourse in France has often been characterized by a militant universalism whose most central target, even if it is not always made explicit, is Islam."[2]
Islam has been increasingly deemed "incompatible" with the traditional understanding of what it means to be European, and the French understanding of identity offers a helpful example. Areas of alleged discord include the wearing of religious garments (specifically the hidjab and niqab for women), lack of gender equality, the desire to institute political Islam, and the absence of a hierarchy which would lend itself to state relations under laїcité. A native of southern France, Dr. Emmanuelle Vanborre, commented, "The current debate is not just about Muslims in France; it is about what it means to be French, to live in France, to speak French and to have a French culture ... many people view [the debate] as a menace against immigrants. I do not think it is."[3]
Far-right political parties have reacted strongly to the expanding Muslim community, including the French political party Front National (FN) under the leadership of Jean-Marie Le Pen. Drawing negative correlations between rises in crime rates and immigration, the FN provoked the escalation of racial, religious, and ethnic tensions in the first round of the 2002 presidential elections and consequently garnered a full17% of the vote.[4] This election made history as the final round of voting afforded only a choice between the right and the extreme right. Monsieur Le Pen and his supporters were symbolic voices in this national identity debate.
France is not alone, of course, in this growing tension over the Muslim minority. For example, in Switzerland, voters recently approved a ban on the building of minarets, prayer towers that extend from mosques. The far-right Swiss People's party advocated for the ban, highlighting the growing influence of radical political parties in swaying the masses towards fear and xenophobia. The Swiss government said the ban was "not a rejection of the Muslim community, religion or culture," though according to the justice minister, it "reflects fears among the population of Islamic fundamentalist tendencies."[5]
The Swiss ban has reawakened European consciousness to the manipulative power of fear. The ban, roundly condemned by the Islamic religious community, was rebuked from its conception by Christian and Jewish groups.[6] The shock from moderate Swiss citizens, in conjunction with French reaction to the debate, reflects a new awareness that a counter-strategy must be employed to retard the progress of far-right extremist parties. French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner described the ban as intolerant and equated it with religious oppression.[7]
Germany faces similar integration challenges to the French. Referred to as a "parallel society," many German Muslims have lived their lives within an exclusive community and have found little necessity to interact with those outside it.[8] One Muslim woman remarked, "Turkish men who wish to marry and live by Shariah [Islamic law] can do so with far less impediment in Berlin than in Istanbul."[9] Germany's guest worker program has brought millions of Muslims into the country on a permanent basis. The country has also faced the resurgence of several small far-right political parties. The National Democratic Party (NPD) is one of three such parties; it endorses xenophobia publicly and has even reportedly sent mock deportation orders to immigrant politicians.[10]
A Way Forward for France
In order to combat such public displays of intolerance, further dialogue should be conducted with religious leaders. Similar to interfaith panel discussions in the United States, these occasions should provide opportunities for men and women of faith to gain greater insight into each other's beliefs and promote respect of the "other." If debates such as France's failed one on national identity are to prompt change, it is important that the citizens are comfortable conversing with their neighbors. Such panels should extend invitations to citizens of varying ethnic and age groups, as promoting dialogue is a method to remove the ostracism often felt by immigrants.
The French status quo of aggressive laїcité will also require adaptation. In order to live up to its values of liberté, égalité and fraternité, the French government needs to actively pursue policies which further the integration of immigrants into French society and culture. Such initiatives are particularly effective through education and employment. Especially if such policies are pursued consistently over the long term, then time will become an ally. Vanborre concurs, adding, "I think the problem is that many immigrants don't feel French, so hopefully, their children will feel more French, being born and raised in France. It is already the case of course, but it will be even more and more as time passes."[11] As the second and third generations of immigrant families grow up immersed in French life and culture, it is assumed they will come to view themselves as authentically French as their peers. These citizens will have spent their formative years in the Republic and will not have the same background as foreign-born immigrants like their parents and grandparents.
A hopeful example for Muslims in France and other Western European countries is the legacy of their Jewish neighbors. A recent conference at Georgetown University brought together scholars from around Europe and the U.S. to discuss "Jews and Muslims in France: The Challenge of Multiculturalism in Contemporary Europe."[12] The Jewish community in its infancy faced issues similar to the ones with which the French Muslim community currently struggles. For Jews in France, time has proven beneficial. According to Vicki Caron, "French Jews fashioned a creative synthesis between their loyalties to Judaism and their loyalties to France, a synthesis that enabled them to adapt successfully to the demands of modernity while maintaining their distinctive group identity."[13] As it seeks to carve out a new identity, France has the opportunity to lead its neighbors in commencing a fruitful dialogue with its Muslim communities and pursuing integration methods that promote inclusion rather than exclusion and the targeting of immigrants. While the French government bears significant responsibility for encouraging successful integration, Muslim communities need to make an effort as well. These endeavors should include learning the language, obeying laws which apply to people of faith and secular people alike, and pursuing greater understanding with their neighbors. These actions, coupled with attitudes of patience and respect on all sides, have the potential to unlock a powerful new image of France—that of an engaged nation which strives for greater inclusion.
[1] CIA World Factbook, "France." https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/fr.html (accessed 1 March 2010).
[2] Michel Wieviorka,"Race, Culture, and Society: The French Experience with Muslims," in Muslim Europe or Euro-Islam: Politics, Culture, and Citizenship in the Age of Globalization, ed. Nezar AlSayyad and Manuel Castells (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2002) 141.
[3] Dr. Emmanuelle Vanborre, assistant professor of French at Gordon College, e-mail interview with the author, 12 March 2010.
[4] "France's shame," The Economist 363.8270 (2002): 11. Academic Search Premier, EBSCO (accessed 13 March 2010).
[5] Nick Cumming-Bruce and Steven Erlanger, "Swiss Ban Building of Minarets on Mosques," The New York Times, 29 November 2009. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/30/world/europe/30swiss.html (accessed 9 March 2010).
[6] Stephen Brown, "Swiss Christian, Jewish, Muslim Groups Reject Call to Ban Minarets," ENI, 4 September 2009. http://www.eni.ch/featured/article.php?id=3338 (accessed 29 April 2010).
[7] "European Politicians React to Swiss Minaret Ban," Deutsche Welle, 30 November 2009. http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,4946616,00.html (accessed 29 April 2010).
[8] Norbert F. Pötzl, "Muslims in Germany: Life in a Parallel Society," Spiegel Online International, 16 April 2008. http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/0,1518,547717,00.html (accessed 29 April 2010).
[9] Peter Schneider, "In Germany, Muslims Grow Apart," The New York Times, 4 December 2005. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/02/world/europe/02iht-islam7.html?pagewanted=1 (accessed 21 March 2010).
[10] "Far-Right NPD Sent Fake Deportation Orders to Immigrant Politicians," Spiegel Online International, 22 September 2009. http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/0,1518,650512,00.html (accessed 12 April 2010).
[11] Vanborre e-mail interview.
[12] "Jews and Muslims in France: The Challenge of Multiculturalism in Contemporary Europe," conference at Georgetown University, 17-18 March 2010.
[13] Vicki Caron, "French-Jewish assimilation reassessed: a review of the recent literature," Judaism: A Quarterly Journal of Jewish Life and Thought 42.2 (1993): 134-159. Academic OneFile (accessed 30 March 2010).